2007 Thoughts on Iraq
Wednesday, January 3, 2007
As we embark upon a new year, it makes sense to review some of the salient details of the conflict in Iraq. Perhaps foremost in our minds is the fact that the U.S. military death count reached the 3000 mark…the vast majority of them having occurred after the end of hostilities announcement in 2003. Apart from the U.S. death figure stands the unknown and only speculated death count of Iraqis…insurgents and civilians. That figure is estimated at 50,000, conservatively, 300,000 on the other end of the scale.
Injuries sustained by the U.S. military have been estimated to be in the 20,000 range…a great number of these considered to be what may be called “devastating” or “life changing”. We have absolutely no estimate of Iraqi injuries. And, we really have no good idea regarding displaced or refugee Iraqis. These are the facts, as we know, or don’t know, them. It bears notice that the figure of U.S. casualties, alone, exceeds the death count from the attack on 9/11. It also merits notice that the Iraqi casualties dwarf those of the U.S.
The debate goes on…civil war or sectarian violence. “A rose by any other name…” seems to be apropos in this regard. Whatever we call it, it must remain an irrefutable fact that the course of life and politics in the Middle East has been forever altered, whether for good or for worse. It is, however, difficult to see that the former is a viable possibility and much easier to accept the latter. Even were there to be a successful conclusion to this conflict, the fact that our military has used depleted uranium on weapons may have completely unanticipated and devastating consequences. That there are effects of some nature is incontestable…and could be verified were we privy to some of the medical reports taken at veteran’s facilities such as Walter Reed Hospital or from Iraqi medical facilities.
Recent developments tend not to support a cessation of hostilities, but rather to enforce the belief in an escalating conflict. We can debate the merits and faults of condemning Sadaam Hussein to death, but in the wake of the execution, it is hard not to see the rift between Sunni and Shi’a worsening. The videos we have all seen have certainly exacerbated the situation. Again, we can question the sense of policy as exercised by the Al Maliki regime but we cannot make excuses for the way the execution was expedited in such a hasty and reckless manner. It certainly shows the weaknesses in this administration and equally detracts from its credibility. This is also a reflection of the U.S. policy and it’s relationship with this Iraqi regime.
Again and again…regardless of one’s stance on the correctness or viability of attacking Iraq…we see a series of endless missteps and blunders on the part of the Bush Administration and the designated Iraqi leadership, which has been all but in name propped up by the U.S. The sad truth is that those blunders will more than likely have long-term consequences. The legacy Mr. Bush will have left behind will be one marked by ineptitude and incompetence. His interference has so weakened the region that most analysts are at a total loss as to postulating a way forward. We are hearing talks of troop surge. If it were possible that this could in any way be efficacious, it would require more troops than are available. The aftermath of the Bush and Rumsfeld military policy is a weakened military with a depleted infrastructure.
All this being the case, I am certainly in no position to make recommendations. I am equally at a loss for a way forward. I, too, would like to focus on what we can do rather than what we have done, but because these blunders are ongoing and regular, it is difficult to look ahead. The unvarnished truth, however, is that we learn lessons from examining history and what has happened in the Middle East generally and in Iraq specifically must be able to stand up to scrutiny. The Bush doctrine of fear mongering must be seen for what it is…an attempt to alter the landscape of international policy abroad and to weaken constitutional authority at home.
No death is acceptable, but we can make a case for sacrifice in the name of a noble cause. We cannot, however, sanction needless death of our soldiers or of civilians of a foreign nation when it has been for naught but the whimsical speculations and ensuing actions of an inept administration that has, at every step of the way, made incorrect decisions. It must surely be evident that there is very little we can do to heal the wounds we have helped to tear open. It is time for us to call for an end to U.S. involvement in Iraq. We must let this civil war, or whatever it is, run its course. We must open ourselves to international dialogue even if we see no immediate benefits. We must become, once again, part of an international community that seeks to preserve peace rather than to destroy it.
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